TY - JOUR
T1 - Meaningful physical changes mediate lexical-semantic integration: Top-down and form-based bottom-up information sources interact in the N400
AU - Lotze, Netaya
AU - Tune, Sarah
AU - Schlesewsky, Matthias
AU - Bornkessel-Schlesewsky, Ina
N1 - Copyright:
Copyright 2012 Elsevier B.V., All rights reserved.
PY - 2011/11
Y1 - 2011/11
N2 - Models of how the human brain reconstructs an intended meaning from a linguistic input often draw upon the N400 event-related potential (ERP) component as evidence. Current accounts of the N400 emphasise either the role of contextually induced lexical preactivation of a critical word (Lau, Phillips, & Poeppel, 2008) or the ease of integration into the overall discourse context including a wide variety of influencing factors (Hagoort & van Berkum, 2007). The present ERP study challenges both types of accounts by demonstrating a contextually independent and purely form-based bottom-up influence on the N400: the N400 effect for implausible sentence-endings was attenuated when the critical sentence-final word was capitalised (following a lowercase sentence context). By contrast, no N400 modulation occurred when the critical word involved a change from uppercase (sentence context) to lowercase. Thus, the N400 was only affected by a change to uppercase letters, as is often employed in computer-mediated communication as a sign of emphasis. This result indicates that N400 amplitude is reduced for unexpected words when a bottom-up (orthographic) cue signals that the word is likely to be highly informative. The lexical-semantic N400 thereby reflects the degree to which the semantic informativity of a critical word matches expectations, as determined by an interplay between top-down and bottom-up information sources, including purely form-based bottom-up information.
AB - Models of how the human brain reconstructs an intended meaning from a linguistic input often draw upon the N400 event-related potential (ERP) component as evidence. Current accounts of the N400 emphasise either the role of contextually induced lexical preactivation of a critical word (Lau, Phillips, & Poeppel, 2008) or the ease of integration into the overall discourse context including a wide variety of influencing factors (Hagoort & van Berkum, 2007). The present ERP study challenges both types of accounts by demonstrating a contextually independent and purely form-based bottom-up influence on the N400: the N400 effect for implausible sentence-endings was attenuated when the critical sentence-final word was capitalised (following a lowercase sentence context). By contrast, no N400 modulation occurred when the critical word involved a change from uppercase (sentence context) to lowercase. Thus, the N400 was only affected by a change to uppercase letters, as is often employed in computer-mediated communication as a sign of emphasis. This result indicates that N400 amplitude is reduced for unexpected words when a bottom-up (orthographic) cue signals that the word is likely to be highly informative. The lexical-semantic N400 thereby reflects the degree to which the semantic informativity of a critical word matches expectations, as determined by an interplay between top-down and bottom-up information sources, including purely form-based bottom-up information.
UR - http://www.scopus.com/inward/record.url?scp=80755139733&partnerID=8YFLogxK
U2 - 10.1016/j.neuropsychologia.2011.09.009
DO - 10.1016/j.neuropsychologia.2011.09.009
M3 - Journal articles
C2 - 21939678
AN - SCOPUS:80755139733
SN - 0028-3932
VL - 49
SP - 3573
EP - 3582
JO - Neuropsychologia
JF - Neuropsychologia
IS - 13
ER -